Summary
Early development took place around industry. With deindustrialization,
many of these sites now sit vacant, underused, and unused. In many instances,
these locations are still considered critical to a city’s economic vitality. They
are critical to the future success of economic development in the city.
Traditionally banks are leery of financing a development that lacks sufficient
equity, such as former industrial sites. These brownfield sites present
complications not inherent in greenfield
(prior undeveloped land) developments. Federal legislation has made it difficult
for banks to economically loan money to developers for actual or suspect
contaminated sites. The national Comprehensive Environmental Response, Liability,
and Compensation Act (CERCLA) places strict liability of a site on the current
owners of contaminated property (Moe 684). This has made brownfield sites
less attractive and in many cases not viable for development. In some cases,
even being near a current of former contaminated site is enough to scare
the banks away. States and municipalities are beginning to recognize these
barriers and are adjusting their liability laws to make them more amenable
to the parties of the redevelopment process.
Beginning in the late 1980’s the brownfield development horizon in Minnesota
changed forever. Amendments to Minnesota Environmental Response and Liability
Act (MERLA) limits an owners’ liability through assurances by the EPA Region
5 that they will not pursue a formally contaminated site except for reasons
of eminent danger (Zachman 246). This has created an atmosphere where developers
and their financing engines are comfortable undertaking these more risky
brownfield developments. Michigan has made similar changes to their laws
as well. The amendments to the Michigan Environmental Response Act (MERA)
changed the liability structure for environmental contamination (Trigger
661).
Brownfield sites are more costly to develop than traditional greenfield
sites and private capital has remained at an arms distance. Changes in the
laws of Michigan and Minnesota is reducing the attendant liability placed
on the current owners and/or developers and has created an environment whereby
private developers are willing and able to redevelop the site and put it
back into productive re-use. By reducing the liability for present and future
contamination, the sites have become candidates for traditional bank financing.
Discussion of Works Cited
Moe (2002) highlights brownfield financial incentives in relation to the
favorable liability legislation recently instituted in Minnesota. The state has established several
avenues for funding brownfield redevelopment, such as hazardous waste TIFs,
loans, and grants (Moe 689). Also, spurred by requests for reductions in
real estate taxes, the Minnesota legislature created the contamination tax (Moe 688). The
contamination tax reduces property taxes for properties owned by someone
not responsible under MERLA for the contamination (Moe 688). Together these
incentives are significant enough to generate private development interests
in the state as evidenced by the two successful case studies in the Zachman
and Steinwell article.
Zachman and Steinwell (2001) discuss brownfield development success stories
that used Tax Increment Finance (TIF) in Minnesota. Using two redevelopment sites near the Twin Cities, they
were able to illustrate the complexities of private development of contaminated
and formerly contaminated urban sites. As the cost for redeveloping inner
city sites rose, developers reached further out into agricultural land for
cheap development opportunities putting undue pressures on many public services
such as transportation and utilities. Using TIFs administered by local municipalities,
developers are able to capture future taxes to pay for the current costs
of redeveloping a contaminated site. TIF dollars can be used to finance
redevelopment of blighted areas, to provide money for an affordability strategy,
soil remediation costs, the cleanup of hazardous substances, and for the
redevelopment of mined underground spaces (Zachman 246).
Trigger (2002) highlights the expansion of the government incentive packages
in Michigan to spur brownfield
redevelopments. By legislative order, municipalities can establish Brownfield
Redevelopment Authorities (BRA) that facilitates brownfield development in
their local communities (Trigger 654). The BRA develops a Brownfield Plan
whose purpose is to identify eligible redevelopment properties and outlines
the activities that will be covered with the subsidy (Trigger 655). Government
subsidies can be in any or all of the following forms: Tax Increment Financing,
Local Site Remediation Revolving Funds, and Single Business Tax (SBT) Credits. Tax
Increment Financing captures the additional tax revenues because the project
proceeded. They can be used for the project itself, to fund a revolving
fund, and to pay administrative and operating expenses of the BRA. The revolving
fund monies come from excess TIF and can be used for preparation of the Baseline
Environmental Assessment (BEA), due care activities, and additional response
activities under the Brownfield Plan. The SBT credit is a one time tax break
equal to 10% of the cost of on site improvements on a contaminated site up
to $30 million (Trigger 654-661).
Bartsch and Wells (2005) outline the many states that are now offering various
forms of direct and indirect financial assistance to aid in the financing
process. In 1996, the State of Michigan
established Brownfield Redevelopment Authorities (BRA) to help fund developments
(Bartsch et al 17). These authorities allow local municipalities to create
TIF districts to capture future revenue streams that otherwise would not
have been realized and to establish a Local Site Remediation Revolving Fund
to cover expenses on other sites within its jurisdiction (Bartsch et al 17). They
can adopt Brownfield Plans to identify the eligible activities to be conducted
on the property and allow for the use of TIF’s (Bartsch et al 17). The TIF
can be used to pay for “eligible environmental response and redevelopment
activities at the site” (Bartsch et al 17). The state also allows for a
one time Single Business Tax (SBT) Brownfield Redevelopment Credit to be
used for “investments made at an eligible property included in a brownfield
plan” (Bartsch et al 18). The credit can cover up to “10% of any innocent
party’s development (not cleanup) costs, up to $1 million” (Bartsch et al
18). In communities that have created an Obsolete Property Rehabilitation
District, property owners can receive an “abatement of up to 100% of real
property taxes for a brownfield site for up to 12 years” (Bartsch et al 18).
Simons (2002) introduces the concept of the brownfield finance “gap.” This
is the difference between the total project cost minus available debt and
equity. This gap must be filled from outside traditional financing streams
(Simons 100). To accurately determine the true gap, the developer should
first determine the total project cost before applying public subsidies (Simons
101). Simons puts forth several options to close the funding gap (listed
in chronological order). First, when the gap is very large they should try
to negotiate a lower purchase price. Second, seek government redevelopment
subsidies. Third, capture funds from the original contaminator. Fourth,
an historic insurance policy may cover some of the cost of environmental
cleanup. Simons notes that a recent case study (not named) of thirteen brownfield
projects revealed the average cost of brownfield remediation to be about
10% while government subsidies typically run 15 – 20% (Simons 102). There
should be sufficient funds to remediate and rehabilitate the site when all
sources are taken into account. Public monies available may come in the
form of grants or loans (Simons 102-103). But not all free money is in monetary
form; additional sources are in-kind services and tax breaks (Simons 102).
Bartsch and Wells (2003) also use the term ‘financing gap’ to define the
difference between project cost and all available private monies for brownfield
sites but seek to more narrowly characterize the problem by identifying the
stages that typically lack financing: early stage site assessment, remediation
plan definition, and cleanup implementation. Because brownfield sites present
additional development challenges, private capital has stayed away from these
risky investments. In order to create economically viable redevelopment
sites, the investors require a higher rate of return than they normally would
at a greenfield site (Bartsch et
al 17).
Conclusion
Michigan and Minnesota are at the forefront of minimizing the
financing gap through government financing programs such as TIF and revolving
funds. Because brownfield sites have particular problems being funded in
their early stages, including initial site assessment, defining the remediation
plan, and carrying out the cleanup process (Bartsch et al 17) they have traditionally
been passed over for easier greenfield developments that offer a higher rate
of return. This has been changing drastically over the last five to ten
years as liability laws have been refined and relaxed with regards to the
amount of liability put on the current owner. Brownfield redevelopment projects
are simply “worthy real estate problems with excess site preparation cost” (Simons
115). Even if a site does not have enough money for redevelopment it may
be a great redevelopment opportunity. The challenge is to think beyond traditional
real estate revenue streams; to find that creative finance method(s) that
makes the project feasible.
But are these government programs and subsidies enough to spark widespread
economic development in distressed inner cities? Why is the knowledge base
among private developers still lacking to support mass amounts of brownfield
redevelopment? What can be done to educate more developers about the opportunities
that exist with brownfield redevelopment projects?
Works Cited
Bartsch, Charles and Barbara Wells. (April 2005). State Brownfield Financing
Tools and Strategies. Northeast-Midwest Institute.
Bartsch, Charles and Barbara Wells. (June 2003). Financing Strategies
for Brownfield Cleanup and Redevelopment. Northeast-Midwest Institute.
Moe, Paul S. (2002). “Minnesota” in Brownfields: A Comprehensive Guide to Redeveloping
Contaminated Property, 2nd ed. American Bar Association.
Simons, Robert A. (2002). “Creative Financing of Brownfield Sites” in Brownfields:
A Comprehensive Guide to Redeveloping Contaminated Property, 2nd ed. American
Bar Association.
Trigger, Grant R. (2002). “Michigan” in Brownfields: A Comprehensive Guide to Redeveloping
Contaminated Property, 2nd ed. American Bar Association.
Zachman, Jeff and Susan D. Steinwell. (2001). “The Use of Tax Increment
Financing in Redeveloping Brownfields in Minnesota” in C. L. Johnson and J. Y. Man Tax
Increment Financing and Economic Development: Uses, Structure and Impacts SUNY
Press.