NEGOTIATING RADICAL CHANGE: Understanding the Lessons of the Polish Round Table Talks
PDF Communism's Negotiated Collapse: The Polish Round Table, Ten Years Later

PANEL SEVEN:
GLOBAL CHANGE AND THE ROUND TABLE

László Bruszt

László Bruszt - Click to Enlarge Co-founder and National Secretary of the Democratic League of Independent Trade Unions from 1988 to 1992, László Bruszt (b. 1953) represented the unions in the Hungarian Opposition Round Table (EKA) and at the negotiations between the EKA and the communist government. Bruszt holds a master's degree in sociology from Budapest University and a doctorate in sociology from the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at Central European University (CEU) in Budapest since 1993, he has been CEU's Vice-Rector of Academic Affairs since 1995 and served as its Acting Rector and President in 1996-97. During 1998-99, he was a Research Fellow at the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences in Stanford, CA. Bruszt has published several books and articles on the political transformation of East Central Europe.

In the second half of the 80's, Eastern Europe was seen, briefly, as one of the most hopeless regions of the world. According to the official US analyses done in the mid-80's, Eastern Europe was seen as the second biggest potential crisis region of the world, just nearly, or a little after, the Middle East...

The Poles played an extremely important role, basically until the end of August ‘89. They signaled, or they created events which signaled for the citizens and rulers of the region, what is possible, how far they can go, what is tolerated and what are the strategies of creating such events...

To enter into compromise negotiations, and as such a type of democratization, presupposed to speak in the name of society. That slowly emerged in Poland, by the end of ‘88, and it didn't come about, the Hungarian opposition was never able, never felt that it can speak in the name of society, even when the negotiations started, they very clearly contrasted their position to the Polish Solidarity. They could afford to enter into compromise; we cannot do that, because we cannot speak, we don't have that type of mandate...

The Polish peaceful negotiations had an impact not only on the Hungarian or the other negotiations, but this compromise had an impact also on regime changes like the Czech or the German, where the mobilization of masses was so high that political leaders of the opposition could have easily led the masses against the party headquarters and started violent regime change. And the reason they didn't do that, the most important reason they didn't do that was that they were led by the same ethos, which led the Polish negotiators and the Polish democratic opposition, that you cannot get, establish rule of law...in an unruly way—that human rights should be respected and the peaceful and non-violent nature of the negotiations is extremely important and a value in itself.

Dai Qing

Dai Qing - Click to Enlarge Trained as a missile engineer, Dai Qing (b. 1941) is a prominent Chinese journalist and writer. Dai's investigative reports about dissident figures persecuted by the Chinese Communist Party in the 1940's and 1950's were published during the 1980's. She co-organized China's first environmental lobby in 1989 in opposition to construction of the Three Gorges Dam Project on the Yangtze River. Although banned after several printings in China, her 1989 collection of essays by prominent Chinese intellectuals critical of the hydroelectric project, Yangtze! Yangtze!, was largely responsible for the government's decision to temporarily postpone construction of the dam. After publicly denouncing the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre and quitting the Chinese Communist Party on June 5, Dai was jailed for ten months and is no longer able to publish in China. Currently a Scholar in Residence at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, she has been honored with several international fellowships and awards.

Compared with the Round Table negotiations in Poland, what happened in Beijing ten years ago was not a great democratic movement, as it was widely perceived to have been, but a serious setback for democracy, a tragedy...

There are lots of experiences that Poland can pass on to China, but the first one is that democracy can only come through the reconciliation and agreement between the state and the society. Achieving it can only be gained through an untiring effort, through threats and counter-threats, through competition, dialogue and negotiation.

María de los Angeles Torres

María de los Angeles Torres - Click to Enlarge María de los Angeles Torres, Associate Professor of Political Science at DePaul University in Chicago, holds a doctorate in political science from the University of Michigan. Active in community service in Chicago for several years, Torres was Executive Director of the Mayor's Advisory Commission on Latino Affairs from 1983 to 1987. She has served on the Board of Directors of the Cuban American Committee Research and Education Fund (1979-94) and on the Board of Advisors of Catedra de Cultura Cubana of the Pablo Milanes Foundation in Havana (1993-95). A member of the American Political Science Association's President's Task Force on the Status of Latinos from 1991 to 1994, she has been Coordinator of the Latin American Studies Association's Research Working Group on the Cuban American Community since 1990 and its Task Force on Scholarly Relations with Cuba since 1992. Torres is the author of numerous publications on contemporary political and social relations between Cuba and the US and Latino immigration and communities in the US.

Michael wanted me to talk about the applicability of the experience of the Polish Round Table to Cuba. And in a certain sense, that would be a very quick talk up here, because I really think it's not applicable. What I'd like to talk about, though, is why I think it's not applicable, looking at maybe some of the political and institutional actors that in the Polish case, from what I have come to understand, were so critical to the Round Table, and why they are different in Cuba...The Cuban government, regardless of what it has become, was a government that emerged out of a popular, radical, nationalist revolution. And as such, still lays certain claims of legitimacy to that particular project. Secondly, the United States, unlike the help that it has given democracy in Poland, has not necessarily been a friend of democracies in Latin America, specifically not Cuba...The Church itself is a very different, very, very different situation in Cuba. They say that Cubans are Catholic on Sundays and that's it, and I would say probably less than that...There's a long history of the Church really being part of the colonial power, and as such was not there when the Cuban nation was formed.

Konstanty Gebert

Konstanty Gebert - Click to Enlarge Author, Editor-in-Chief of Midrasz, and Moderator for panel on "Global Change and the Round Table."

Regardless of what we thought about "them" in Poland, and what "they" thought about us, there was no denying that we were all Poles. Now, we certainly thought that "they" were bad Poles, and they certainly thought that we were bad Poles, but Poles all the same. Phrases were bandied about, "jak Polak z Polakiem," "Pole to Pole," the way of negotiating, of doing business. This was not only rhetoric, what it meant was, that there was a conceivable community to which we all belonged, and a conceivable common project to which we all wanted to contribute...

I just regret that this room isn't packed full with Polish opponents of the Round Table. Those who say it was a crime, or treason, or at least a mistake, so that they could hear María, Dai Qing, telling us how they would love such a crime, treason, mistake to happen in their countries, and many more such mistakes.

(Photo Credits: David Smith)

 

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Negotiating Radical Change
Understanding and Extending the Lessons of the Polish Round Table Talks

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