The Rise and Fall of Newt

by Ryan Painter

"Old soldiers never die, they just fade away." MacArthur was referring to himself, but he could just as easily have been talking about another old soldier, Representative Newt Gingrich from Georgia. At one time the most influential man in the Beltway, Newt Gingrich has endured a political career of struggle and patience, and then tragic fall from grace.

Newt entered national politics in 1978 as an energetic and ambitious southern conservative with a strong sense of destiny. Noted for bringing down House Speaker Jim Wright, Newt epitomized the aggressive Republican opposition to the Democratic monopoly of the House.

It was his vision that led to the "Republican Revolution" of the 1994 election, in which the GOP gained control of the House, Senate, and several important governorships. In what some considered political suicide, Newt spelled out his promises to the nation with the innovative and refreshing "Contract With America." And, to everyone's astonishment, Newt Gingrich did something unthinkable for a national politician; he kept his word.

Though they were ultimately voted down, bills for Congressional term limits and a balanced national budget were nearly enacted by the zealous legions of Gingrich supporters swept into office by the vast 1994 lashback. National welfare reform, once a conservative pipe-dream, became a reality in 1996.

Newt had his share of detractors, however, and things were far from perfect. By November of 1995, budget negotiations had fallen apart and the country was blaming Gingrich and the Republicans. The government shut down for four weeks, and unscrupulous Democrats ran commercials saying senior citizens might not receive their Social Security checks - a political lightening rod. As if this weren't disastrous enough, a seating issue on Air Force One made Gingrich look childish, and the New York Daily News ran a front page caricature of a diaper-clad Newt with the headline "Crybaby."

In July 1997, a secret coup attempt to topple Gingrich was uncovered. Bill Paxon, the ringleader of the plot, was disciplined and forced out of the party leadership for the treasonous act. But the fiasco showed just how far dissatisfaction with Newt had spread, even within the inner circles of the Republican party structure. Even the rabidly conservative "Gingrichites" that rode into office in 1994 began to see Newt as a negotiator who wouldn't stick to his guns when challenged by the president, as during the 1995 budget confrontation.

1998 was supposed to be the election year that turned everything around. No political party out of the White House had lost ground in midterm elections since the beginning of the 19th century - these elections should have been no different. But the GOP made no gains in the Senate, lost several governorships, and nearly lost the House.

Chairman of the House Appropriations Committee Rep. Bob Livingston told Newt that he could muster the votes to take the speakership away from him, and blamed him for the party's poor performance. Even Gingrich supporter J.C. Watts, Representative from Oklahoma, told his old friend that the only option was to step down as Speaker of the House.

That is exactly what he did. Newt had been re-elected in his Georgia district with 71 percent of the vote, but told the press he was stepping down as Speaker and would abandon his Congressional seat. First, however, Newt took the opportunity to lambaste the liberal media and his turncoat party supporters. The November 16, 1998 edition of Newsweek described Newt's TV farewell as simply "sulfurous."

Even his liberal hecklers must admit that Newt, for all his many flaws, was a great politician and visionary. He had faith in his conservative beliefs, and made many real changes during his four year reign. A great man brought low by his own caustic character, one must wonder whether Newt sees the historic irony of it all. Like another great revolutionary 2000 years before him, Newt should have listened to his soothe-sayers. But in the end, even Julius Caesar's enemies were toppled. It may be time for Clinton to brush up on his Shakespeare; this play is not over. MR

This article was published in the 9 December 1998 edition of The Michigan Review (Volume 17, Number 5).
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